Essay about citizenship - Citizenship in São Paulo’s Favelas The WritePass Journal

Essay about citizenship - Citizenship in So Paulo’s Favelas Introduction Essay about citizenship Citizenship in So Paulo’s Favelas ), planning for social integration is important as it addresses policies that could or affect the poor. It is also recommended that these plans be done well in advance so as to tackle the issues before they occur rather than as they occur. Urban planning plays a key role in mitigating insurgent citizenship. As aforementioned, the peripheries of So Paulo were inhabited by worker back in the 1960s who constructed their homes through autoconstruction. They did this without any infrastructure; this process is still used today as a primary means of settling the urban poor in the city. Nonetheless, as evident, this process has done little to solve the problem of housing in the city. The city of So Paulo has experienced rapid economic growth, this growth, however, has been unevenly distributed among the population, and this has resulted in wide social and economic disparities. The favelas of So Paulo is a marked representation of these issues, with inadequate infrastructure and urban servic es, lack of the rule of law and adequate policing, as well as violence emerging from institutionalized poverty. The city has lost its appeal of a neutral entity; it has become a political and economic space, where the meaning of citizenship and urban life is regularly on trial, here power relations are forcefully maneuvered and sustained. There are notable examples where the residents of the favelas have taken action to claim ownership of the slums. Holston (2007) explains that, in 1972, the residents of Jardim das Camà ©lias roughed up court officials, an incident that led to massive arrests by the police and for a week what seemed to be a conflict between the law and the residents ensued supported by politicians and lawyers. This was triggered by eviction notices that were to be delivered to the residents and which they ignored and used violence to evade, at least one person died. In 2003, an official went to Lar Nacional, to cancel one of the residents title that had been recent ly issued. This saw the beginning of long legal battle between the residents of the favelas and the court system. They had learnt to organize themselves as a unit, neighborhood association. The court officials intention was to demand the cancellation of the title as a result of an anomaly in measurements. The title was issued through adverse possession a legal way of acquiring an original title by proving possession over an uninterrupted period. The residents spent more than a decade petitioning the judiciary for such validation, and it was a historical case as the first to return favorably decided, the resident was issued a new title, site plan, as well as tax number. Moreover, this insurgent citizenship came out of the peripheries and the favelas into the civic square, with the elections of 2002, the country witnessed one of the residents of the favelas rises to the highest office of the land. Luiz Incio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT) grew up poor in the urban peripherie s of So Paulo, and this seemed as a victory for those who lived in these areas as they filled the central spaces of So Paulo with the red banners calling for citizenship. Citizenship It is critical to understand the condition of working class citizenship in So Paulo to examine the emergence of the citizenship in the favelas. Wolfe (2014) points at the fact that the establishment of a working class in So Paulo revolves around the long-time relationship between land, labor, and law that exist in land policies. These were meant to bring forth a particular kind of work force in addition to illegalities that result in settlements as well as legalization of property claims. Such illegalities resemble the current ones in the peripheries. The only difference is that this happens with an unexpected result that in the end generates a distinct formulation of citizenship. According to Holston (2007), the elites in the 19th Century introduced a regime of citizenship to strengthen their hold of power in the new formed nation state. In this process, they used social differences, such as education, race, gender to induce different treatment to different segment of citizenship. T his was the beginning gradation of rights among the citizens, and here rights were based on segregation, there were certain sections treated better than others. It is this system that created the citizenship of inclusive membership, but largely inegalitarian in distribution. For the elite to maintain the differentiated treatment to citizens after the countrys independence and the abolition of the slave trade, they came up with a dual pronged solution. They ensured direct suffrage and made it voluntary, but at the same time limited it to those who could read and write. This restriction made the electorate much smaller, furthermore in the constitution; there was an elimination of the citizens rights to basic education that provided them with some limited education. This restriction denied the citizens of their political citizenship for a long time until 1985 when it was repealed. According to Holston (2007), after the repeal, the elites still longed to control civil and economic matters. They established a real estate industry that facilitated legitimate the ownership of private property and one that supported free labor immigration. In addition, they created high price for the land and made wages low to restrict the many workers legal access to land forci ng them to basically be source of cheap labor. The two citizenships developed in tandem and became restrictive as the country changed from a slave based nation to a republic based on wage labor. The regimes that followed in the 20th century followed this paradigm establishing an inclusively inegalitarian citizenship and adopting it to a modern situation. It incorporated the emerging labor force in the urban areas into a new arena of labor law devoid of equality. According to , inclusively inegalitarian citizenship was the cause of the insurgency. Inegalitarian citizenship representative of inequality in his theory can be disapproved more so in the context of it use. If the residents of the favelas are unequal, that has not stopped them from moving up the economic and political ladder. Luiz Incio Lula da Silva is a good example of this scenario; he was raised in the favelas and emerged as the head of state. Therefore, the insurgence is not in demand for autonomy, but for residence and more so for the poor. The cause for the insurgency was lack of planning that takes into consideration the workers and the poor of the city. In addition, as much as Holston (2007) argues that favelas claimed their citizenship, this is far from the truth. They might have stopped evictions and initiated a new process of issuance of titles, but this calls for a redefinition of citizenship. Citizenship calls for recognition of the rights of each and every resident, a s part of the urban populace; they have equal democratic right to environmental health as well as basic living conditions. The rights herein refer to basic urban services including but not limited to water, sanitation, power, and education. The favelas inhibit provision of these basic services, first of all it is not easy to gauge the population in these areas for planning purposes; they are not only congested, but also risky as a result of high crime rates. In addition, the houses constructed in favelas are not planned and are informal hence it is difficult to access them for the provision of certain services such as good roads, drainage, water supply and even power. These conditions render the favelas by default inaccessible to basic urban services. Furthermore, Holston’s (2007) approach explores cultural phenomena, and he makes a persuasive case. There seems to be another problem in the favelas that have a direct bearing on the limited citizenship of the favela residents. There is a need for a clear ethnographic analysis of the key players in these areas, and Holston (2007) fails do provide this. The favelas have been invaded by cartels that would rather have them remain the way they are for business purposes. First, the drug cartels, they have a system of criminal leadership. These criminal gangs have control over most areas of the favelas making it difficult for the residents to receive much needed services due to fear. The middle class and the upper classes are of the opinion that favelas are loci of violence and the epicenter of criminality. This view is further perpetuated by the state officials as well as the law enforcement that result to a repressive approach, from regular police raids to forceful eviction of lar ge populations and razing the structures. These actions are usually justified by the mere fact that the favelas are crime hotspots. Criminal gangs and activities play a significant role in preventing accessibility into the favelas, this leads to the government shortsightedness, police unaccountability, and most important lack of opportunities and services for the residents relegating them to a state of inegalitarian citizenship. Rights in So Paulo Favelas The emergence of citizenship in So Paulo’s public spheres forced the authorities to relook into these new urban conditions by allowing new kinds and sources of rights. These brought to the forefront issues of substance and scope that were previously ignored by the state’s current laws and institutions. The new citizenship rights developed at the edge of the manifested assumptions of governance: they resolved the new common and personal spaces of everyday life among the economically challenged in the favelas; the rights concerned men, women as well as the children and established work to give state services. The most notable fact of the rights is that they introduced reconceptualization, what Holston (2007) refers to as the greatest historical innovation of these rights. The proponents of these rights had initially thought of them as entitlements of general citizenship, as opposed to a differentiated category of citizens. In this regard, the emergence of participatory pu blics in the favelas introduced and established new understanding and exercise of citizenship rights as well as expanding substantive citizenship to new social frontier. The foundation of rights, therefore, is a combination of new and old formulations. In addition, these rights are subjected to change in concepts. Nonetheless, there is a presentation of a mixture of rights that include treatment rights, contributor rights, as well as constitutional rights. It is evident that few people refer to constitutions and laws and if they do; it was to complain and that, with the exception of labor rights, most were not applicable. The concept of rights as a privileged few is grounded in several incarnations, entrenched in the system of differentiated citizenship. In other words, citizenship remains a means for the distribution and legitimizing inequality. This concept was prevalent in the post constitution favelas being used more than the insurgent one of generalized text-based rights. The generalized text, based rights, proposes that the residents of favelas have unconditional rights and that their rights are not based on personal, social or moral status. Th is sets the stage for the establishment of and the achievement of a more equalitarian citizenship. However, as the residents of favelas are organized in groups, propagates the concept of contributor rights one that adopts both systems of citizenship. This is because the autoconstruction in the favelas was not all inclusive; it excluded some residents. Despite this fact, it was recognized as the builder of the peripheries and emphasized the self-determination and accomplishment of the people in the favelas both at the individual and group level. In addition, autoconstruction promoted a universal citizenship distinct from the differentiated pattern. In the current peripheries, all the three concepts were significant in the development of citizenship. Conclusion This paper has highlighted the concept of citizenship, applying it to the city of So Paulo.  The paper reveals that the insurgency witnessed in most of the informal settlements in the city are not mere instrumental outcry and violence, but a conflict of citizenship. As the city developed, there was no proper planning that took into consideration the low income earners or even the settlements that were earlier created by the workers. Therefore, there has been the emergence of new citizenship in So Paulos public spheres forced the authorities to look into these new urban conditions by allowing new kinds and sources of rights. The insurgency introduced new ways of accessing the situation; these brought to the forefront issues of substance and scope that were previously ignored by the states current laws and institutions. The new citizenship rights developed at the edge of the manifested assumptions of governance. Citizenship as examined in the paper calls for recognition of the rights of each and every resident of the city, as part of the urban populace; they have equal democratic right to environmental health as well as basic living conditions. Bibliography Avritzer, A., 2004. A Participaà §o em So Paulo. So Paulo: Editora Unesp. Conceicao, A., 2010. RMSP supera 20 milhà µes de habitantes, calcula Seade. [Online] Available at: estadao.com.br/noticias/economia,rmsp-supera-20-milhoes-de-habitantes-calcula-seade,503095,0.htm [Accessed 14 March 2014]. Diken, B. Laustsen, C.B., 2007. Sociology Through the Projector. New York: Routledge. Geo Cases, 2003. Sao Paulo: Population and Slum Housing. [Online] Available at: geocases2.co.uk/printable/Housing%20in%20Sao%20Paulo.htm [Accessed 14 March 2014]. Holston, J., 2007. Insurgent citizenship in an era of global urban peripheries. [Online] Available at: publicspace.org/es/texto-biblioteca/eng/b001-insurgent-citizenship-in-an-era-of-global-urban-peripheries [Accessed 15 March 2014]. Holston, J., 2007. Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Human Rights Watch, 2009. Lethal Force: Police Violence and Public Security in Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo. New York: Human Rights Watch. McCann, B., 2006. The Political Evolution of Rio de Janeiro’s Favelas: Recent Works. Latin American Re, pp.149-63. Santos, B.d.S., 1995. Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science and Politics in the Paradigmatic Transition. New York: Routledge: Routledge. The Guardian, 2002. Luiz Incio Lula da Silva. The Guardian, 27 October. UN Habitat, 2012. The Role of Urban Planning in Preventing Slums and Addressing the Existing Slums. [Online] Available at: mhu.gov.ma/Documents/TOP%2020/Pr%C3%A9sentations%2027%20nov/The%20role%20of%20urban%20planning%20in%20preventing%20slums%20and%20addressing%20existing%20slums.pdf [Accessed 15 March 2014]. Wakefield, E.G., 1968. A letter from Sydney. In The collected works of Edward Gibbon Wakefield. Glasgow : Collins. Wolfe, J., 2014. Working Women, Working Men: Sao Paulo the Rise of Brazil’s Industrial Working Class, 1900–1955. Duke University Press.

How To Say But in Spanish

How To Say But in Spanish Although pero and sino are the most common words translated from Spanish as but, they are used in different ways and cannot be substituted for each other. Like but often is,  pero and sino are coordinating conjunctions, meaning that they connect two words or phrases of similar grammatical status. And like but, pero and sino are used in forming contrasts. Differences Between Pero and Sino Usually, the Spanish conjunction to be used to indicate a contrast is pero. But sino is used instead when two conditions are true: when the part of the sentence coming before the conjunction is stated in the negative, and when the part after the conjunction directly contradicts what is negated in the first part. In mathematical-like terms, sino is used for but in sentences of type not A but B when A contradicts B. The examples below should make this clear. Heres another way of putting it: Both pero and sino can be translated as but. But in almost all cases, rather, but rather or instead also could be used as an appropriate translation where sino is used, but not for pero. Examples of Pero in Use Me gustarà ­a salir, pero no puedo. (I would like to leave, but I cant. The first part of the sentence isnt stated in the negative, so pero is used.)Marà ­a es alta pero no es fuerte. (Mary is tall, but she isnt strong. The first part of the sentence isnt stated in the negative, so pero is used.)Los huevos son fritos pero no revueltos. (The eggs are fried but not scrambled. Again, the first part of the sentence is stated in the affirmative.)Marà ­a no es alta pero es inteligente. (Mary isnt tall, but shes intelligent. Although the first part of this sentence is in the negative, pero is used because theres no direct contrast - theres no contradiction with being short and smart.)No son muchos pero buenos. (There arent many, but theyre good. Again, theres no direct contrast, so pero is used.)El virus Cà ³digo Rojo no afecta usuarios, pero Sircam no remite. (The Code Red virus doesnt affect users, but Sircam doesnt let up. The two parts of this sentence are used as a comparison rath er than a contrast, so pero is used.) Examples of Sino  in Use Marà ­a no es alta sino baja. (Mary isnt tall, but short, or Mary isnt tall, rather shes short. Theres a direct contrast between tall and short.)No creemos lo que vemos, sino que vemos lo que creemos. (We dont believe what we see, but we see what we believe, or we dont believe what we see, rather we see what we believe. Theres a clear and direct contrast between cause and effect used in this sentence.)El protagonista no era conde sino seà ±or. (The protagonist wasnt a count but a lord, or the protagonist wasnt a count, rather he was a lord. Although conde and seà ±or arent opposites, they are used in this sentence to contrast with each other.)No he venido a ser servido sino a servir. (I havent come to be served but to serve, or I havent come to be served; instead I have come to serve. Again, theres a direct contrast between the two purposes stated in the sentence.)El problema no es tuyo sino mà ­o. (The problem isnt yours but mine. Sino shows a contrast in ownership.) Other Ways of Saying But in Spanish When except can substitute for but, it is often possible to use excepto, menos, or salvo. In these cases, however, but and the Spanish word are arent used to form a contrast but to function as a preposition. Creo en la justicia para todos, excepto mis enemigos. (I believe in justice for everyone but  my enemies.)No conozco a nadie, excepto mi hija. (I dont know anybody but my daughter.)Me gustan todos los comentarios, menos el primero. (I liked all the comments but the first one.)Debemos considerar todas las posibilidades, menos esa. (We should consider all the possibilities but that one.)Todos los formularios,  salvo uno, estn disponibles en inglà ©s. (All the forms but one are available in English.)Nadie, salvo yo, sabe lo que es bueno para mà ­. (Nobody but me knows what is good for me.)

Canada-china computer crisis josephj.distefano Case Study

Canada-china computer crisis josephj.distefano - Case Study Example The team was to develop a program that had to be launched at a trade fair. The program was going on well but Yulan was the only person who had worked on the actual coding of the program while Paul Horn and other members had provided support in the form of briefings, some writing work and supplies. Interestingly at the eleventh hour, Yulan chooses to change the program and removes the traces of original work completely. She tells Horn that she had done this to make sure that she was given proper credit for her work. Yulan Sun was insistent that her work and individual contribution be acknowledged explicitly since she had worked long hours all by herself in the completion of the program. Paul Horn on the other hand found this rather absurd and reminded Yulan rather cogently that he and his team had done a lot of work on the project and thus securing individual credit for work was a ridiculous demand. In case Yulan Sun refuses to provide the code of the program, the project would be a disaster. The deadline would be over and the firm will not be able to participate in the trade fair where the program was scheduled for launch. Yulan Sun was on the other hand was adamant that it was her program and she could do whatever she chose to with the program. She is willing to provide the code if her individual work is acknowledged and if credit was given to her in explicit terms. Yulan had no issues with the team receiving bonuses or some credit but she wanted the program to remain in her name. This was unacceptable to Paul Horn who felt that it was a team effort and would thus be acknowledged in the same way. Analysis: This case has often been analyzed in the collectivism/individualism framework, which obviously doesn't apply here. Yulan coming from a culture that respects collectivism is looking for individual acknowledgement while Paul Horn born into a individualistic culture recognizes team effort. This is then a paradoxical situation. Studying the case closely, we realize that the standoff is grounded in differing definitions of teamwork and team ethics that exist in two different cultures. For Paul Horn who is a typically modern Canadian, teamwork means every person playing the role assigned to them and all must seek the same result. They must not get into each other's way but instead concentrate on their part in the project and bring the project to fruition. Yulan Sun on the other hand feels that teamwork is all about helping out each other. She believes that the main objective of a team is to assist each other. However when she came to Canada she realized that no one actually worked this way rather everyone tried to stay out of each other's work and path. The Canadians felt this was the right way of doing teamwork while Yulan Sun found it against her idea of teamwork and ethics. For this reason, Yulan demanded that her work be acknowledged separately because from where she stood, she couldn't see anyone doing any work on the project. Others had not assisted her when she stayed up all night to complete her task. Paul Horn feels that they had played their part in the project effectively. Conclusion: Instead of focusing on collectivism and individualism framework, this conflict must be resolved by focusing on the differing definit

Contemporary Management Research Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3750 words

Contemporary Management - Research Proposal Example In the face of a fast-paced business environment due to continuous technological advances the practice of management has been changing according to those changes. The emergence of new fads or fashions in management requires a scientific approach to determine the features of a sound management viewpoint. All of this implies that it is necessary to study contemporary management theories and tools in order to determine the validity of management in a global business scenario. The research project deals with the study of contemporary management theories and tools that can be helpful in the area of strategic management in order to achieve a sustainable competitive advantage for a global company that has to face a complex variety of challenges during the course of its everyday operation. The integration of the "naturalist" (Barnard) and the "rationalist" (Taylor) viewpoints can be very useful for approaching the integration of management with a new and valid insight. Management theories and tools come and go at a rapid rate. Most of them are fads, fashions or replications of forgotten ones without any scientific foundation of real and lasting value. ... The integration of the "naturalist" (Barnard) and the "rationalist" (Taylor) viewpoints can be very useful for approaching the integration of management with a new and valid insight. 2.0.- Literature Review 2.1.- Contemporary Management Theories and Tools. Management theories and tools come and go at a rapid rate. Most of them are fads, fashions or replications of forgotten ones without any scientific foundation of real and lasting value. This point is the source of a study by Chester Spell (2001). For instance, Spell argues that Management By Objectives (MBO) was described by Smitty in the 1950s according to Greenwood in one of his works published in 1981. Harvard Business Review also states that Drucker's MBO was studied by D. McGregor back in 1957. (Spell, 2001). In this research proposal it is aimed at studying management theories and tools that can pass the test of time. K. K. Naidoo studied the classical management writers to find Chester I. Barnard as an overlooked writer who integrates the "rationalist" and the "naturalist" schools of management thought. First, Naidoo enumerates the five principles of Frederick Winslow Taylor in his work from 1911 entitled "Scientific Management": "1.- Shift all responsibility for the organisation of work from the worker to the manager; managers should do all the thinking relating to the planning and design of work, leaving the workers with the task of implementation. 2.- Use scientific methods to determine the most efficient ways of doing work; design the worker's task accordingly, specifying the precise way in which the work is to be done. 3.- Select the best

Asylum Seekers in Australia Essay Example for Free

Asylum Seekers in Australia Essay Australias mandatory detention of asylum seekers are of a serious concern. There has been aroused intense national and international debate. In the past few years we have been bombarded with images of detainees suffering from depression, mental anguish, trauma and psychological damage. Australia has a policy of mandatory detention for all refugees and asylum seekers who arrive by boat to Australian shores. Those who have reached Australias shores should not be placed in inhumane conditioned detentions, it is a breach of human rights. There have been proposed alternatives to detention of asylum seekers, many of which should be considered. The Human Rights Watch has established many reasons to why asylum seekers have come to Australia, many of which to seek safety and hope for a better life. Once reaching Australias shores, for the majority, hope for a better life is not the case. Instead, these aslyum seekers are imprisoned. Many, if not all, are innocent. Being punished for being innocent? People working in the field of migrant and refugee, claim that non-genuine applicants for refugee status are a very small minority, this is highly unfair to genuine applicants, the majority. (http//www. socialjustice. catholic. org. au). Like the saying, Keeping the whole class in because one child spoke. By Australian law, these refugees are eligible to stay on Australian soil. But, under Government policies (administrated by the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA)), asylum seekers are prevented claim of asylum, they not permitted to work, are denied access to medicare and foremost are forced into detention. These asylum seekers should not be placed in detention, it is unethical. We are the only developed country to put into practice indiscriminate detention of asylum seekers. We have indeterminately jailed them all the elderly, the children, the sick and the preganant (A speech by The Hon Justice Marcus R. Einfeld http//www. westnet. com. au/jackhsmit/detention. htm). Unauthorised asylum seekers are detained in one of six on-shore or one of three off-shore detention facilities. Detention generates the most attention of any asylum issue. These detention facilities are in inhumane conditions, where there are riots, frequent beatings, psychotic breakdowns and suicide attempts. Is this really the sort of place to be living in? Detention facilities very much resemble jail-like cells behind razor wires. An investigation from the Federal Parliament Human Rights Committee found conditions in some of the centres appalling, reporting that conditions were often below Australian jail standards. Asylum seekers have been subjected to unneccessary use of force and have had their rooms trashed by guards for no apparent reason. The detention facilities in Woomera and Port Headland have attracted the most attention. Both these detention centres are in inhospitable remote locations with overcrowded conditions. Both have also generated violent riots and breakouts. Human rights have been violated due to the conditions of these detentions; restricted access to services; and restricted access to judicial review. These asylum seekers have come to Australia to sought refuge in a, what was thought to be a compassionate and humane country, not to be sentence to imprisonment. There have been proposed alternatives to detention of asylum seekers The Alternative detention model and The Detention Standards Document. Both wanting similar outcomes. The treatment of aslyum seekers is inhumane, the Australian government should provide a more flexible detention regime. They should only detain these people for only a limited period enough for a complete health and criminal check, a prediction of less than a month. After initial compulsory checks, asylum seekers awaiting for their status to be decided should be allowed to roam freely in communities, with access to facilities, support and help. They should only be detained if they pose a threat to communities/Australia. There should be closure to detention centres and for them to be replaced with reception centres with community support suggested by Pamela Curr Victorian Greens spokesperson on refugee (http//www. esistance. org. au/zine/news4. html). These receptions would be friendlier places, with leisure and educational facilities open spaces. The housing of asylum seekers in well-resourced, open receptions while their claims are to be decided offers the most logical and humane alternative Although, there may be some restrictions on what they are allowed to do and are not allowed to do, this is a much better alternative to the current mandatory detention system. Australia has turned a blind-eye to the fact that one of the reasons for asylum seekers leaving their country of origin is because of risk of persecution and have come to Australia to sought protection, their treatment here in Australia is unjust. The Australian government should provide a more felixble system. The asylum seekers have not come to Australia to be imprisoned, yet we are treating them as criminals. What really have they done wrong but to seek a better life for their family?

Sociocultural Constructivism Theory Essay -- Sociology, Piaget

Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework: Cognitive Constructivism Theory and Sociocultural Constructivism Theory As stated in Chapter I, to create better readers, many reading specialists agree that word study is a developmentally sound approach to providing reading instruction (Bear et al, 2008; Ganske, 2000; Zutell, 1999). Word study is founded on robust evidence-based research on the developmental stages of reading and spelling; however, word study and specifically word sorts have a diminuative amount of scientific evidence as to it success in reading instruction (Boscardin et al, ND). To create an evidence-based study, it is useful to analyze word study using the lenses of cognitive constructivism and sociocultural constructivism theories. In combining these two theoretical frameworks, I will view the WtW reading instruction approach from both the internal cognitive development as well as the external social influences of learning. In Chapter 2, I will succinctly review the principles of each theory and demonstrate how the theories provide an applicable balance for this study. Constructing meaning from an event is an important link to comprehension (Carlisle, 2000; Francis, et al., 1996; NICHD, ND; Rasinski & Oswald, 2005; Williams & Lundstrum, 2007). However, the idea of constructing meaning, or constructivism, is a broad concept with multiple connotations. Two distinct types of constructivism will be the lens for this study, cognitive constructivism and sociocultural constructivism. The two theories are essentially different in that cognitive constructivism posits the internal construction of information as the controlling influence, while sociocultural constructivism posits the external interactions with peers and adults as m... ...ible tool for examining data from this study. Word study’s origin is based on the belief of the student’s constructivism in understanding and comprehending new knowledge by the word study developers, the generalized belief by education specialists that it is the way students learn, its foundational role in teacher preparation programs, and its acceptance of the dynamics within the classroom as playing a role in appropriate instruction. Hence, for this study, it is advantageous to use the constructivism theories of both Piaget and Vygotsky, cognitive and sociocultural, as theoretical frameworks. Together these theories will be the lens for analysis of the data collected within the study. By using both, I am able to examine both the an individual’s internal and external construction of information. In the ensuing chapter, I establish the methodology of this study.

Ovarian Cancer Research Paper

Sydney True Psych 471 Reproductive Cancers Assignment University of Nebraska-Lincoln Fall 2010 Ovarian Cancer Research Paper Ovarian cancer is a type of cancer that is characterized by the formation of the cancer cells in the tissues of a woman’s reproductive glands, the ovaries. It is when normal ovarian cells begin to grow uncontrollably that this cancer develops into dangerous malignant tumors that can be found in one or both ovaries.There are three types of these cells that are responsible for ovarian cancer: Surface epithelium, Germ cells, and Stromal cells. Surface epithelial ovarian cancer is the type that grows on the outer surface of the ovary. This is the most common form of this cancer, appearing in about 90 percent of ovarian cancer cases. Of the more rare forms, germ cell tumors originate specifically in the egg-producing cells and the Stromal ovarian cancer in the supportive tissue encasing the ovaries.In women, older age and obesity may increase the likelihood o f developing ovarian cancer. Other factors include a personal or family history of this or other types of cancer, women who have taken estrogen after menopause (especially for longer than 5 years), and women who have trouble conceiving. The symptoms that are commonly associated with ovarian cancer are similar to some less serious disorders, but in this case, they may occur more and become more severe.Cancer Treatment Centers of America (CTCA) list on their website (www. cancercenter. com) that the most general â€Å"symptoms of ovarian cancer include: Bloating, nausea, constipation, or diarrhea, change in urinary frequency (feeling like you have to go more often), pressure in the abdomen, back, or legs, vaginal bleeding (including heavy periods), and fatigue. Unfortunately, and as any woman can attest to, these symptoms may be part of a normal menstrual cycle. Thus, making this a difficult cancer to detect.Women are encouraged to become more aware of how their body usually feels an d see a doctor if any abnormalities persist after several weeks for an examination. In order to make a diagnosis of ovarian cancer a doctor will perform a serious of tests including: a pelvic examination for any knots or bumps that could be possible cancerous growths; a pap smear to test for signs of cancerous cells; an ultrasound that tests the sound waves of healthy tissue versus potential tumors.A magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) test uses radiofrequency to distinguish diseased tissue from normal tissue. A CA 125 blood test will show a possible increase in levels of CA 125 protein, an increase that is often linked to ovarian cancer. A gynecologic oncologist can perform a laparotomy to collect fluid samples from the abdominal cavity in order to test for abnormalities. Lastly, a less invasive test that is similar to the laparascopy but requires only a few small incisions. Once a diagnosis of the cancer has been made,